The Unresolved Issue of Chameria Requires a Solution

The
visit of Greece's Foreign Minister, Nikos Dendias, to Tirana and his meeting
with Prime Minister Edi Rama brought back into focus one of the most complex
and controversial issues in Albanian–Greek relations: Chameria. At a time when
both states declare a shared Euro-Atlantic orientation and aim to strengthen
their strategic partnership, a question remains open that in official Greek
discourse is considered closed, while in Albanian historiography and part of
international literature it is treated as a still unresolved historical, legal,
and humanitarian issue.¹
This
interpretative dualism has produced a lasting gap between state narratives and
the memory of affected communities. For the descendants of the Chams, the issue
is not reduced to a historical debate, but is linked to concrete rights:
property ownership, the legal status of victims, and the lack of institutional
recognition of the events of 1944–1945.²
In
this context, the issue of Chameria remains a typical case where history,
international law, and collective memory are inseparably intertwined.
1. Historiography and
Structures of Interpretation
The
debate on Chameria has been shaped by three main historiographical layers:
Albanian, Greek, and critical international scholarship.
In
Albanian historiography, authors such as Pëllumb Xhufi, Beqir Meta, Arben Puto,
Ksenofon Krisafi, and Shaban Murati have developed an approach that places
Chameria within the historical continuity of the Albanian presence in Epirus
and the violent transformations of the 20th century.³ Puto and Krisafi treat
the issue within the framework of international property law and minority
rights, linking it to post–World War II developments and the standards of the
European Convention on Human Rights.?
In
Greek and international historiography, approaches are more fragmented. Authors
such as Miranda Vickers and James Pettifer place Chameria within the complexity
of Balkan ethnic relations, while Georg Kretsi interprets it through the concept
of "broken memory" and mechanisms of collective forgetting.? On the
other hand, Lambros Baltsiotis and Konstantinos Tsitselikis offer critical
analyses of Greek state policies toward minorities and the construction of
national identity in Epirus.
A
fundamental division among these approaches concerns the interpretation of
World War II: while some authors emphasize local collaboration with Axis
forces, critical literature argues that individual responsibility cannot serve
as a basis for collective punishment.?
2. Historical and
Ethno-Demographic Context of Chameria
Chameria
(Thesprotia in Greek administration) has historically been an area with a mixed
ethnic and religious composition. After 1913, with its incorporation into the
Greek state, a long process of institutional and demographic transformation
began, linked to the consolidation of the modern Greek nation-state.?
British
Foreign Office diplomatic reports document repeated tensions over property
ownership, agrarian reform, and the integration of local populations during the
interwar period.? These processes were part of a broader Balkan model of state
nationalism and property restructuring.
3. The 1923 Treaty of
Lausanne and the Problem of Legal Categories
The
Treaty of Lausanne (1923) established an important precedent in managing
populations in the Balkans. League of Nations documents show that the
population exchange between Greece and Turkey was based primarily on religious
rather than ethnic criteria.?
Within
this framework, Muslim Albanians of Chameria remained in a legally ambiguous
space, not formally included in the exchange, but indirectly affected by the
policies of that period.¹? This legal ambiguity created the conditions for
later tensions.
4. World War II and the
1944–1945 Crisis
The
World War II period represents the most disputed point in narratives about
Chameria.
According
to documents of the Anti-Fascist Cham Committee of Emigrants, after the
withdrawal of German forces from Epirus, units led by Napoleon Zervas carried
out violent operations against the civilian Muslim Albanian population.¹¹ These
events are described in memoranda as mass killings, expropriations, and forced
expulsions.
A
key document is the 1947 Memorandum of the Cham Anti-Fascist Committee to the
United Nations, translated and analyzed by Isuf B. Bajrami, who made it known
in the Albanian and diaspora press.¹²
According
to Bajrami, the memorandum represents not only a political act of protest but
also a legally articulated document seeking international recognition of
damages and violated rights.¹³
5. The International
Legal Dimension
From
the perspective of international law, the issue relates to three fundamental
principles: the prohibition of civilian expulsions, property protection, and
the prohibition of collective discrimination.
The
European Convention on Human Rights (Protocol 1, Article 1) guarantees the
right to property, while the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human
Rights has developed standards regarding expropriation and compensation.¹?
However,
the lack of a bilateral Albania–Greece mechanism and the passage of time have
created a legal vacuum that makes individual resolution difficult.
6. Diplomatic Dimension
and State Memory
Albanian–Greek
relations after 1991 have seen significant development in economic and security
cooperation, but historical issues remain partially unresolved.
European
models of historical reconciliation, especially the Franco–German example,
demonstrate the importance of joint historical commissions in building balanced
narratives.¹?
In
this context, visits by Greek Foreign Ministers to Tirana, including Nikos
Dendias, have served as platforms where old issues periodically re-emerge in
diplomatic discourse.
7. Memory and Narrative
Asymmetry
In
Albania, the process of identifying Greek soldiers' graves has been seen as a
humanitarian and reconciliation gesture. However, in the Cham discourse there
is a perception of asymmetry in the treatment of historical memory, since the
victims of Chameria have not received the same level of institutional
recognition.¹?
This
creates a tension between state memory and community memory.
Conclusion
The
issue of Chameria remains open not as an isolated historical episode, but as a
node where historiography, international law, and collective memory intersect.
Denying
it as a problem does not resolve it, but preserves it as a frozen tension in
Albanian–Greek relations.
In
this sense, Chameria is not only a matter of the past, but a test of the
ability of two states to move from closed historical narratives toward an
institutional dialogue on truth, justice, and reconciliation.
Therefore,
in a historically and legally consistent manner, the unresolved issue of
Chameria requires a solution.
Footnotes:
1. General
historiography on Albanians and Chameria
Miranda Vickers, The
Albanians: A Modern History (London: I.B. Tauris, 1995), 181–210; James
Pettifer & Miranda Vickers, The Albanian Question: Reshaping the Balkans
(London: I.B. Tauris, 2007), 95–128. These works treat Chameria as part of the broader
problem of nation-state formation in the Balkans and the ethnic tensions of the
20th century, placing it within a wider regional context.
2. International law and
property status
Arben Puto,
International Law and Albania (Tirana: Toena, 2009), 233–276; Ksenofon Krisafi,
Public International Law and Minorities (Tirana: UET Press, 2015), 145–190. The
authors analyze principles of property protection, prohibition of arbitrary
expropriation, and post–World War II developments within modern international
law.
3. Albanian
historiography on Epirus and Chameria
Pëllumb Xhufi, From the
Paleologos to the Muzaka (Tirana: Toena, 2009); Beqir Meta, studies published
in Historical Studies, nos. 1–4 (2005–2015); Shaban Murati, The Albanian
Question after the Cold War (Tirana: Toena, 2010). These studies address the
historical and diplomatic dimensions of Albanian–Greek relations in different
periods, including the Chameria issue.
4. Critical
historiography and international approaches to memory
Georg Kretsi,
"Communicative Memory and the Cham Issue," Ethnologia Balkanica, vol.
6 (2002), 105–129; Lambros Baltsiotis, "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern
Greece," European Journal of Turkish Studies, no. 12 (2011); Konstantinos
Tsitselikis, Old and New Islam in Greece: From Historical Minorities to
Immigrant Newcomers (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 321–367. These authors analyze the
construction of collective memory and state policies toward minorities.
5. Critique of
collective responsibility and World War II interpretations
Baltsiotis &
Tsitselikis, op. cit., 201–240. The authors argue that individual
responsibility for wartime collaboration cannot be used to justify collective
punishment of a civilian population, in line with international humanitarian
law standards.
6. British archival
sources on Epirus and Chameria (1913–1939)
UK National Archives,
Foreign Office (FO) 371/xxxx, "Greece: Northern Epirus Affairs,"
consolidated diplomatic reports from British consulates in Ioannina and Athens
(1913–1939); FO 286/123–FO 286/145, files on agrarian reform and ethnic
tensions in Epirus. These documents reflect British concerns over regional
stability and local population administration after the Balkan Wars.
7. League of Nations
documents and the 1923 Lausanne Treaty
League of Nations
Archives, "Mixed Commission for the Exchange of Greek and Turkish
Populations," C.648.M.238.1924; Treaty of Lausanne, 24 July 1923, League
of Nations Treaty Series, vol. 28, 11–18. These documents establish the legal
basis for population exchange based on religion rather than ethnicity.
8. Reports of the
Population Exchange Commission (1923–1926)
League of Nations, Mixed
Commission Reports, 1923–1926, Archives Series LNO/REF/EXCH/12–34. The reports
highlight implementation difficulties and cases of populations that remained
outside the categories defined by the Lausanne framework.
9. World War II and
Southern Balkans documentation
British War Office &
Foreign Office Reports, 1940–1944, FO 371/33125–FO 371/33190, "Southern
Balkans Military Intelligence Summaries." These reports cover military
developments in Epirus and relations between local forces during the German and
Italian occupation.
10. Cham Anti-Fascist
Committee Memorandum (1947)
Cham Anti-Fascist
Committee, Memorandum to the United Nations Security Council Investigation
Commission (Tirana, 1947), UN Archives, S-0445-0123-01. The document presents
claims by the Cham community regarding massacres, expropriations, and forced
expulsions during 1944–1945.
11. Analysis and
translation by Isuf B. Bajrami
Isuf B. Bajrami,
"The 1947 Memorandum of the Cham Anti-Fascist Committee: Analysis and
Translation," Illyria (New York), nos. 6–10 (2000–2001); also diaspora
Albanian press publications (2000–2010). Bajrami treats the document as a
primary source of the Cham community's political memory in the diaspora.
12. United Nations
humanitarian assistance documents
United Nations Archives,
UNRRA Records, Albania Field Reports 1946–1947, File No. UNRRA/ALB/1946/17.
These documents confirm emergency humanitarian assistance provided to Cham
refugees in Albania after World War II.
13. Jurisprudence of the
European Court of Human Rights
European Court of Human
Rights, Case Law on Article 1 of Protocol No. 1 (Strasbourg: Council of Europe,
updated compilations 1990–2020), particularly cases concerning expropriation
and compensation for lost property.
14. Studies on
transitional justice and historical reconciliation
Ruti Teitel,
Transitional Justice (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 45–88; Tony Judt,
Postwar: A History of Europe Since 1945 (New York: Penguin, 2005), 19–54. These
works analyze European models of historical reconciliation and institutional
mechanisms for dealing with the past.
The Land of Leka,
06.06.2026










